Cuba Journal
Business

Cuba’s Centenary Wall

On Fidel Castro’s 100th birthday, Havana’s murals reveal the political work the dead commander is still made to do. The wall remains illuminated while the country beneath it argues, trades and waits.

Natalia Suyos ·

5 min read

Street vendors pass a weathered political mural near a market in Havana.

A mural does not need electricity.

That is its advantage over nearly everything else in Cuba now. It does not need a transformer, diesel, a functioning payment rail, a generator coaxed into one more night of labor. It asks only for a wall, a face, paint that can outlast the paintbrush, and a country trained to look up.

On the eve of Fidel Castro’s hundredth birthday, vegetable vendors pushed their carts beneath his likeness in Havana. Men argued before another weathered mural. At a market entrance, someone carried a pig past the old face, fixed above the commerce of survival. The photographs are more revealing than the ceremonies because they show the actual arrangement: the dead commander is still on the wall, while the living negotiate the price of food below it.

A century after his birth on August 13, 1926, Fidel remains the Cuban state’s most reliable piece of infrastructure. His image is available everywhere. His authority is infinitely renewable. His name is a currency no monetary reform can devalue, because the government prints it in memory rather than paper.

This week’s centenary has brought book fairs, concerts, exhibitions and delegations of foreign leftist parties. It has also brought the usual official insistence that Fidel’s political inheritance remains a living system rather than a national inheritance under glass. The commemorative program, launched last year and scheduled to run through December 4, was designed not merely to remember him but to transmit his “convictions and ideals” through every sector of national life. That is the phrase that matters. A normal centenary honors a man. This one must keep administering a country. (apnews.com)

The regime has a practical reason for this. Cuba’s present cannot speak persuasively for itself.

It cannot point to a stable currency. It cannot promise power at the hour it is needed. It cannot make a young Cuban believe that a degree, a state job and a lifetime of patience form a credible route to adulthood. It cannot place food, medicine and transport inside an ordinary family’s planning horizon with sufficient regularity to call that horizon a future. So it returns to the great archive, opening the same drawer: sovereignty, sacrifice, siege, dignity, Fidel.

The past is asked to cover the shortfall.

That does not mean the past is unreal. The revolution did produce things that many Cubans experienced not as propaganda but as biography: literacy, medical care, social mobility, national defiance in a hemisphere accustomed to taking instructions from Washington. To dismiss that record is to misunderstand why an elderly Habanera can still say Fidel gave the country what was good in its revolutionary process, or why his name retains emotional force well beyond the institutions that have worn it down. The American pressure campaign, including the fuel restrictions now squeezing the island, is not imaginary either. It is not a moral achievement to make ordinary people pay for the political failure of their rulers.

But a real grievance can become a permanent alibi.

That is the centenary’s bleakest instruction. The government has spent sixty-seven years converting the revolution from an argument into a hereditary atmosphere. Under Fidel, the system learned to make every shortage a battle station and every dissenting voice an opening for the enemy. After Fidel, it learned something harder: how to preserve the command without the commander. The face on the wall is no longer simply a tribute. It is a substitute for accountability.

The mural cannot answer questions. That is why it is useful.

It cannot explain why a country that once made public competence part of its national myth now requires families to operate as private logistics firms, sourcing medicine, food, cash, transport, batteries and exits. It cannot explain why the state can invoke sacrifice with such fluency while withholding the political means by which citizens might decide what sacrifices are necessary, or for whom. It cannot explain why the same system that speaks endlessly of national independence has made individual independence—economic, civic, intellectual—feel like a suspicious foreign import.

The men arguing in front of the mural are therefore a more honest monument than the mural itself. Argument is the thing the system has tried to formalize, contain and ration. The revolution called itself a conversation with history, then made history answerable to one voice. It promised emancipation and built a country in which too much initiative still requires permission. It declared that Cuba would never again be owned from abroad, then created a political order in which Cubans are not permitted to own enough of their own public life.

This is where the old opening of 2015 to 2017 returns, not as nostalgia but as evidence. That window mattered because it briefly suggested that Cuba could encounter the United States, capital, visitors, investment and its own diaspora without surrendering the right to define itself. It was a historical opening, not a template waiting to be reopened. Washington helped close it, and Havana never truly trusted it. The chance was squandered by a regime that preferred control to the untidy consequences of normality.

A mural is normal only when it is optional.

In a freer Cuba, Fidel’s face could remain exactly where it is: painted, weathered, disputed, defended, mocked, restored. He would be part of the national furniture of memory, as unavoidable as Martí and more complicated than Che. His admirers could honor the man who gave the island stature; his victims could name the prisons, censored lives and forced departures that his system made possible. The country could finally treat him as history rather than weather.

That is not what the centenary offers. The official Cuba of 2026 is still trying to make a dead man perform executive functions. It is asking an image to regulate disappointment. It is placing a hundred-year-old birth date over a present that cannot bear much scrutiny.

So the vendors pass below the mural. The pig enters the market. The argument continues. The wall stays lit.

Natalia Suyos writes for Cuba Journal on Business.